A Mirror in a Country of the Blind: Assessing Muhammad Yunus's Fraught Interim Legacy in Bangladesh

DHAKA — The air in Dhaka is thick with the exhaust of autorickshaws and the weight of unfinished history. As the country approaches a pivotal election on February 12, the brief, extraordinary chapter of governance under interim leader Muhammad Yunus is drawing to a close, leaving behind a complex and contested legacy.

Yunus, the 85-year-old microfinance pioneer and Bangladesh's sole Nobel laureate, was thrust into power in August 2024 following a student-led uprising that toppled the long-ruling Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. His mandate: to stabilize a fractured nation reeling from over 1,400 deaths and shepherd it toward credible elections while initiating reforms to prevent a return to authoritarianism.

Now, after presiding over what observers call the country's first free vote in over a decade, Yunus exits a stage he never sought. The central question haunting the national conversation is whether he was the steady hand that prevented a breakup or a well-intentioned leader hamstrung by the very political forces he was meant to transcend.

"We handed him a broken nation and asked for a miracle," said Nahid Islam, a former student protest leader who now heads the National Citizen Party. "He provided stability when we were on the brink. But the deep, structural surgery we needed? The political establishment wouldn't yield the scalpel."

Yunus's administration embarked on one of the most ambitious reform agendas ever attempted by an unelected government in South Asia. It established commissions to investigate enforced disappearances, electoral malpractice, and judicial corruption under the previous regime. A landmark inquiry documented nearly 1,600 cases of forced disappearances during Hasina's tenure, systematically linking them to state security agencies.

"By acknowledging the 'Aynaghor'—the 'house of mirrors'—he forced the nation to look at its own reflection," said Mubashar Hasan, an academic and former abduction victim who advised the inquiry. "For the first time, there was an official record stating that the crimes were not random acts, but policy."

Yet, for every step forward, there was a palpable sense of constraint. The bureaucracy, judiciary, and military—institutions long accustomed to operating with impunity—proved resistant to overhaul. Economic recovery remained fragile, with foreign investment largely stalled.

"He was an international icon trying to navigate a domestic minefield," said political analyst Dilara Choudhury. "Expectations were for a revolutionary; his tools were those of a consensus-builder. The mismatch was inevitable."

In a final, unprecedented move, Yunus has attached a national referendum to the February 12 ballot, asking voters to directly endorse a package of constitutional reforms aimed at decentralizing power. It is a high-stakes gamble, placing the fate of his key initiatives in the hands of the electorate and the next parliament.

The political divide over his tenure is stark. The frontrunning Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) acknowledges his stabilizing role but criticizes the scope of his unelected government's actions. "There was a tendency to try to do everything in this short time," said BNP leader Salahuddin Ahmed. Meanwhile, the National Citizen Party and its ally Jamaat-e-Islami, which initially backed him, express a blend of respect and disappointment that reforms weren't deeper.

For the families of victims, however, Yunus's legacy is measured in a different currency: accountability. Last month, courts sentenced former Dhaka police chief Habibur Rahman and others to death for crackdowns during the 2024 uprising.

"We gave our children's lives for justice," said Sanjida Khan Deepti, whose 17-year-old son was killed by police. "Dr. Yunus gave us a hearing. In a country of the blind, they say a mirror has no value. But he held up that mirror."

Back on Dhaka's streets, the mood is one of weary pragmatism. Auto-rickshaw driver Rubel Chaklader, who once hoped the uprising would bring radical change, now views the upcoming election with resignation. "I will vote," he said, navigating the endless traffic. "Not for hope, but because there is nothing else to do. One man, even a Nobel winner, cannot cure a nation's blindness in 18 months."

Voices from the Street: A Nation Divided

Professor Ayesha Rahman, 58, Economist, Dhaka University: "Yunus provided the essential bridge between collapse and continuity. His global credibility prevented economic isolation. The reforms he initiated, particularly on judicial independence, are seeds. Whether they grow depends on the political will of those who follow."

Jamil Hossain, 42, Small Business Owner, Chittagong: "A missed opportunity! He had the moral authority to purge the corrupt and dismantle Hasina's machinery completely. Instead, he played by the old rules, negotiated with the same entrenched parties. We swapped one set of rulers for another, just with a nicer face. It was a Band-Aid on a bullet wound." [Emotional/Sharp]

Captain (Retd.) Tariqul Islam, 65, Former Military Officer, Dhaka: "His greatest success was maintaining the integrity of the armed forces as a neutral institution during the transition. The quiet professionalism of the military under his caretaker government prevented a coup or further fragmentation. That alone may have saved the state."

Rina Akhter, 29, Garment Worker and Activist, Narayanganj: "For us, wages are still stagnant, prices are high. The talk in Dhaka about 'reforms' and 'legacy' feels distant. But knowing the bosses who threatened us can now be investigated—that is a change. It's small, but it's real. He opened a door. We have to see if the next government slams it shut."